A Factual Response to the Hate Attack on the India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF)
 © Friends of India and Authors of the Report
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VI. IDRF AND RSS[54]

The Sabrang/FOIL report claims, 

“The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, or the ‘Sangh,’—literally ‘National Volunteer Corps’), was started in 1925 for ‘propagating Hindu culture….  The RSS (or more commonly, the Sangh) has created and propagated organizations in every facet of socio-political life in India—from political parties to children’s centers, trade unions and militias.”

Let us now present some facets of the RSS by quoting a few prominent people’s assessments of the organization:

“On Tuesday, September 14, 1947, Gandhiji came to address about 500 RSS workers in the open enclosure in Bhangi Colony.  Vasantrao Oak, Prant Pracharak, Delhi (Regional Head) welcomed him and said: ‘We in the RSS have but one God—Bharat Mata. (Mother India) ’ Gandhiji appreciated the discipline and idealism of RSS and said that an organisation which was rooted in high ideals and public service was bound to grow from strength to strength.  He described himself as a ‘Sanatani Hindu’ and deeply appreciated the patriotic song with which the meeting had started.” 

“Babasaheb Ambedkar (social reformer and primary author of the Constitution of India) presided over the Makar Sankranti utsav (a spring festival) of Pune Shakha (branch) in 1936.  Here he asked Dr. Hedgewar who was present at the ceremony, if all the RSS members were Brahmins.  The Doctor’s answer was that when Swayamsevaks were spreading their ideals and recruiting new members—i.  e.  using their mind—they were Brahmins; when they were performing their daily exercises they were Kshatriyas (warriors); whenever they handled money and other business matters for Sangha, they were Vaishyas; and when they did the sanitation work in the various camps and branches, they were Shudras.  In other word by naming the four main traditional castes into which Hindu society is divided, Dr. Hedgewar made the point that the RSS was attempting to demonstrate that caste meant nothing…. Dr. Ambedkar was very much impressed with RSS castelessness in the center of orthodoxy in Maharashtra.” 

“Mein Sangha ka asabhya sabhya hoon.”  (I am an honorary member of Sangha) -- Vinoba Bhave (social reformer)

Dr. Zakir Hussain (first Muslim President of India), told a Milad Mahfil (meeting) in Monghyr on Nov.  20, 1949: “The allegations against RSS of violence and hatred against the Muslims are wholly false.  Muslims should learn the lesson of mutual love, cooperation and organisation from RSS.”

Gen. Cariappa, Field-Marshal, told the Mangalore Shakha in 1959: “RSS work is my heart’s work”.  He added: “If Muslims can sing the praises of Islam, what wrong is there if RSS sings the praises of Hinduism?” He concluded: “My dear young men, don’t be disturbed by uncharitable comments of interested persons.  Dr. Hedgewar, the revered founder of this great organisation, has set before you a bright example of selfless devotion to the service of the motherland.  Look ahead!  Go ahead!  This country is standing in need of your services alone.”

(Source for all the above quotes: “How others look at the R.S.S,” by K.R.  Malkani, Deendayal Upadhaya Research Institute, New Delhi). 

One of the most objective analyses, in English, of the RSS and its affiliates is Andersen and Damle’s Brotherhood in Saffron[55].  According to the authors, Hedgewar, the founder of RSS, believed that the root cause of Indian civilizational downfall including the attacks by foreign invaders was internal fragmentation of the polity. A lack of cohesiveness among Hindu groups had exposed India to a variety of destabilizing forces.  For Hedgewar, therefore, the organization of Hindu society was of the topmost priority.  He realized that social fragmentation, the advent of industrialization and modernism, and the centuries-long occupation of India by Muslims and Christian invaders had left a large number of Hindus feeling rootless, alienated, and deprived of leadership. 

The RSS has a combination of social, religious, and nationalist agendas.  The RSS was established as a “kind of educational body whose objective was to train a group of Hindu men who, on the basis of their character-building experience in the RSS, would work to unite the Hindu community so that India could again become an independent country and a creative society.”[56]

Mahatma Gandhi failed to bring Muslims into the Congress fold despite appeasing Muslim leaders, and despite ignoring the violence perpetrated by Muslims against Hindus between 1920 and 1940.[57] Leaders of many Hindu reformist movements were convinced that the only way to protect Hindu interests was to adopt an assertive stance that left no doubt that the Hindu community could not be attacked with impunity.  The Hindu leaders’ thinking was especially sharpened after the Moplah rebellion in August 1921 when Muslims, under a variety of false pretexts, attacked Hindus, killing, pillaging, raping and maiming thousands of them and forcibly converting those that escaped death[58]. 

With the entry of the Muslim clergy into politics, the talk of jihad and holy wars, the pan-Islamic aims of Muslims leaders, and the weak-kneed response of the Congress to Muslim belligerence and violence stoked the dormant Hindu Mahasabha (Hindu grand council), formed in 1915, into action.  It called for a national meeting in 1923, and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya’s address at that meeting set the tone and the direction for the Hindu leaders (including some in the Congress Party) to achieve security and prominence for the majority Hindus.  Malaviya exhorted that Hindus pay attention to mental and physical well-being (as Swami Vivekananda had so emphatically articulated earlier); to get rid of “untouchability” and end segregation of the “untouchables” at schools, wells, and temples. 

The orthodox members of the Mahasabha sought to stop these proposed changes but were unable to do so, and so began to withdraw from the movement.  The Mahasabha questioned Gandhiji’s non-violent approach, and so Lala Lajpat Rai, at the 1925 session, stated that non-violence would result in “laziness, fake contentment, cowardice, lack of spirit, and a slave mentality among Hindus.”[59] 

Andersen and Damle contend that while most of the Hindu “sabhas” might have had little effect on the British policy towards India, they did further the cause of Hindu unity by promoting both a sense of self-assurance and self-respect.  It was in this smoldering cauldron of 1920s politics that the RSS was born. 

A. Shadowy and Elusive? 

The authors of the Sabrang/FOIL report claim,

“As an organization, the RSS is elusive and shadowy—it is only open to Hindu males – primarily upper caste.”

We don’t know what the Sabrang/FOIL authors mean by “elusive and shadowy”.  The RSS is not registered as an organization.  However, the various trusts, which in turn actually manage the activities carried out under the name of the RSS, are registered.  All of its “affiliates” (the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Akhila Bharatiya Vidya Parishad, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, etc.) are registered and so it is not as if the public does not know who the office-bearers are, what the agendas are, what money has been raised, and what activities they are engaged in. 

If indeed the RSS were an elusive organization very little could have been written about it.  Instead, we have hundreds of scholarly papers and scores of academic treatises on the RSS and Hindu nationalism.  As far as we know, no author has been denied permission to visit and observe the shakhas in action.  No author has been denied permission for interviews with RSS leaders, and no one has stopped them from using the libraries and archives that have material relating to the RSS and its affiliates.  We direct the attention of readers to two critical evaluations of the RSS and Hindu nationalism[60].  In fact, the main feature of such analyses is that academics and journalists have deliberately ignored invitations by the RSS for confabulations or have purposefully skewed their analyses after observing the RSS in action. 

The RSS is open only to males, not just to Hindu males, and there is a women’s wing of the RSS named Rashtra Sevika Samiti (started in 1936).  Also, the RSS does have joint (men and women) shakhas (groups) outside India, for example, in the U.S.  The idea that there can’t be organizations or groups only with men and boys as members is ludicrous.  If we apply the Sabrang/FOIL rule, the Catholic Church and the Boys Scouts have to be suspect for their “men and boys only” admission policy!  And the idea that the RSS is open only to upper caste Hindu males is a blatant lie.  The recruitment of upper-caste males in the Maharashtra area where the RSS first took roots was because those were the young men who were first attracted to the RSS.  Very quickly other sections of the society joined the movement. 

According to the RSS, all differences, whether they be of caste, status, language, or affluence should be eschewed[61].  The RSS has even Christian and Muslims attending its shakhas but because no membership profile is maintained there is no breakdown of membership categories[62]. 

As to the RSS not having any bank accounts or paying any income tax, as mentioned above, the actual activities are managed by various trusts and those trusts are officially registered.  The RSS drafted a Constitution for itself in 1948 under the advice of Vallabhbhai Patel (then Home Minister of India) and pressure from Jawaharlal Nehru (then Prime Minister of India) but it was not officially registered.  But there has been no move on the part of the Congress governments or anyone else in the past 54 years to demand that the RSS be registered.  Whether or not there is a legal loophole under which the RSS has resisted registration is also not discussed in the vast literature on the RSS. 

B. “Hinduization” Program?

According to the Sabrang/FOIL report,

More than 50 percent of the funds disbursed by the IDRF are sent to Sangh related organizations whose primary work is religious ‘conversion’ and ‘Hinduization’ in poor and remote tribal and rural areas of India.  Another sixth is given to Hindu religious organizations for purely religious use.  Only about a fifth of the funds go for disaster relief and welfare-most of it because the donors specifically designated it so.  However, there is considerable documentation indicating that even the relief and welfare organizations that IDRF fu nds, use the moneys in a sectarian way.  In summary, in excess of 80 percent of IDRF’s funding is allocated for work that is clearly sectarian in nature.”

In response we would like to call your attention to Chapter 5, Section B, Accusation #7.  In addition we have to draw the readers’ attention to Christian and Muslim proselytization efforts in India.  There are thousands of news reports, and many books on the attempts by these two aggressive monotheistic religions to make the world either Christian or Muslim.  Ignoring this basic and fundamental religious dynamic in the world would be folly[63].  Schwartz (1997) points out: “Scarcity is encoded in the Bible as a principle of Oneness (one land, one people, one nation) and in monotheistic thinking (one Deity), it becomes a demand of exclusive allegiance that threatens with the violence of exclusion.  When that thinking is translated into secular formations about peoples, ‘one nation under God’ becomes less comforting than threatening” (p.  xi).  When the leaders of the RSS or VHP or even an ordinary Hindu points this out, the Indian “secularist” turns the argument and evidence on its head asserting that Hindus want to make India exclusively Hindu, ignoring the basic assertion of the Hindutva proponent that under the multiphrenic, polytheistic Hindu ideal of “Vasudaiva Kutumbakam” (“The world is one family”) we are all gods’ (plural) children, unlike what the monotheistic faiths claim about their “God” being the only “true” God, and those who don’t accept “Him” are either going to go to “Hell” or are “Kafirs”.  In that light, let us now turn to the funding of the two aggressive monotheisms and their projects in India:

1. Jubilee Church[64], a U.S. based church with which some Indian-American charity organizations allegedly have been associated with, has the following to say about Hindus and Hinduism:

“One of Jubilee’s foremost missionary outreaches is to the nation of India.  This nation of over 900 million people is desperate for the truth of the gospel.  In the land of a million gods, multitudes live in confusion and spiritual bondage with no knowledge of God’s goodness. 

For 15 years Pastor Dick Bernal and Jubilee International have strategically developed a plan to begin lifting the veil of darkness and bring hope to this desperate nation.  We bring the good news of the gospel not only through evangelism and crusades, but also by revolutionizing the standard of living through missionary work, including the development of a Bible College to equip local pastors, and digging wells to bring fresh water to needy villages. 

In one of our recent and most extraordinary crusades in Hyderabad, 1.7 million people attended and 800,000 were converted[65].  The Hindu Daily News stated this was the largest gathering of humanity in the history of the continent…

Your purchases and donations will help us continue to take the gospel worldwide through missionary outreaches and media endeavors, both in the great and desperate nation of India and the uttermost parts of the earth.”

Such attitudes of Christian, church-affiliated groups and individuals are ignored by the Sabrang/FOIL authors when they worry about “Hinduization” of India, and the allegation that the IDRF supports “Hinduization.”

2. For an insightful article on Christian missionaries and their work in India, and the Indian secularists’ response to Christian evangelical activities see Dr. Koenraad Elst’s, “The Problem With Christian Missionaries.”[66] 

3. Philip Jenkins, a scholar of history and religion at Pennsylvania State University, says in an article in the Atlantic magazine, “The Next Christianity,” that Americans are all but unaware of what is one of the most important shifts of the twentieth century—the explosive growth of Christianity in the Southern Hemisphere.  At what cost such growth has occurred can be seen from Jenkins’ article[67]. 

C.  ”Funding Hate”?

The Sabrang/FOIL report claims,

“Adequate documentation also exists to show that the IDRF funds organizations in at least three states in India that are directly involved in large-scale violence against Muslim and Christian minorities.  This reports documents the case of an the IDRF beneficiary, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in Gujarat and its extensive involvement in anti-Christian violence between 1998-2000 including the physical destruction of Christian institutions, schools, churches, colleges, and cemeteries and forcible conversions to Hinduism. 

Secondary documentation also exists to show that the same Hindutva organizations involved in the anti-Christian violence of 1998-2000 were involved in the Gujarat carnage of 2002 where, by most reliable accounts, more than 2000 people, mostly Muslims, were massacred.”

The Sabrang/FOIL report is a masterful document in deceptive and disingenuous claims and shoddy research.  In this section we provide just two examples (several other similar examples are presented elsewhere in our report) to demonstrate an emerging pattern of incompetence. 

Example 1 - Linking IDRF with Violence: A Case of Intellectual Violence?

In Section 1.4 of their report, Sabrang/FOIL authors note:

“Adequate documentation also exists to show that the IDRF funds organizations in at least three states in India that are directly involved in large scale violence against Muslim and Christian minorities.”

Reading this one may get an idea that IDRF is in fact responsible for anti-minority violence in India.  In plain words, the authors make an allegation that IDRF funds violence.  However, in the next sentence the authors make their allegation more specific.  It alleges exactly ONE instance – the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in Gujarat.  See the following quote from the report:

“This reports documents the case of an IDRF beneficiary, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in Gujarat and its extensive involvement in anti-Christian violence between 1998-2000 including the physical destruction of Christian institutions, schools, churches, colleges, and cemeteries and forcible conversions to Hinduism.”

We have to compliment the Sabrang/FOIL writers for they have mastered the art of making broad generalizations.  Perhaps their intention was to plant a seed of doubt in the readers’ minds that all donations made to the IDRF are being used for violence.  Perhaps their hope was that even if the readers read the next sentence, which alleges only ONE organization (out of 184 that the authors themselves list in their Appendix H as funded by IDRF) as having any link with violence, the image of IDRF would have been maligned.  Perhaps that was the objective of the Sabrang/FOIL team. 

Another allegation from them is that, 

“Secondary documentation also exists to show that the same Hindutva organizations involved in the anti-Christian violence of 1998-2000 were involved in the Gujarat carnage of 2002 where, by most reliable accounts, more than 2000 people, mostly Muslims, were massacred.”

Let us examine if these claims linking IDRF to those involved in violence in Gujarat stand up to a close examination. 

We ask our readers to take a careful look at Appendix H of the Sabrang/FOIL Report.  Here, the authors painstakingly provide detailed information about the distribution of funds by the IDRF.  In the table presented under section H.2, there is NO mention at all of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in Gujarat receiving a single penny from the IDRF!  If this is the only organization accused of causing violence, and this organization did not receive any funding from IDRF, the Sabrang/FOIL argument does not make any sense. 

In a personal communication with one of the authors of the present report, an IDRF office bearer had this to say about the Sabrang/FOIL allegation:

“There is absolutely no substance in the Sabrang/FOIL argument that IDRF has funded violence in Gujarat.  Sabrang/FOIL has cited Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Gujarat as one of the IDRF beneficiaries based on a new report on IDRF website.  IDRF’s fund distribution analysis 1996-2002 shows that VKA Gujarat has never received IDRF funding.”

He then presented the following analysis based on data for the IDRF’s fund distributions:

“1.  Gujarat has received the largest amount of IDRF funding.  This is because the majority of funds sent to Gujarat NGOs were raised for relief and rehabilitation of Gujarat earthquake victims.  IDRF cannot and will not use it for anything other than relief/rehab of Gujarat earthquake victims. 

2.  IDRF has raised close to $ 2.9 million for relief and rehabilitation of Gujarat earthquake victims.  To date, the IDRF has disbursed $1,259,000 to 16 NGOs, of which only one (Seva Bharati) is an RSS organization.  Seva Bharati has received $760,000 for complete rehabilitation of two villages and six schools.”

See Appendix I - Gujarat Earthquake Relief and Rehabilitation – A Case Study.  

Example 2 - Missing IDRF Dollars: A Case of Missing Analytical Skills?

In Section H.2 of Appendix H of their report, where Sabrang/FOIL authors provide details of the IDRF funding, they list $486,885 as “Not Listed NOT acknowledged (Missing?)”.  These authors deliberately assume that this amount of money is missing.  Perhaps it is another attempt to plant a doubt in readers’ minds that if the IDRF money is “missing”, it must have been used for some “undeclared” purpose – secret funding of violent programs.

A reasonable and careful researcher would have contacted the IDRF to ask for a clarification about the apparent discrepancy instead of assuming the worst and publicizing that all over the Internet.  But the Sabrang/FOIL authors had apparently their own agenda and pre-determined conclusion, and this simple discrepancy served that well. 

It should also be noted that the IDRF is perhaps one of the very few non-profit organizations that make public such detailed information about their fund distribution and supported projects.  It was through these detailed annual reports, easily accessible from the IDRF’s website, that Sabrang/FOIL authors retrieved the information that suited their purpose, and manipulated it to fit their agenda.  What they neglected to do, or perhaps intentionally chose not to do was a careful analysis of the IDRF’s annual reports.  They neither contacted the IDRF for any details that they found missing from the website. 

We did ask the IDRF to provide us answers and clarifications, and we did double-check their assertions.  In the table in Appendix H.2 of the Sabrang/FOIL report, the line preceding “Not Listed NOT acknowledged (Missing?) = $486,885” says “Not listed but acknowledged (donations of $2,000 each) = $77,680.”  A careful reading of the annual reports on the IDRF website will indicate the following:

In the annual reports ending with 1998-99, the IDRF lists all donations of more than $2,000.  In contrast, as the amount of the total donations start to grow IDRF had a cutoff of $5,000 for 1999-00 and $7,500 for 2000-2001 (for the general contributions, as opposed to the specific lists like Orissa for which the cutoff is still $5,000). 

In other words, there are many organizations that must have received more than $2,000 but less than $5,000 (or $7,500 in 2000-2001).  This accounts for the so-called “missing” dollars. 

But this requires an unbiased and careful reading of the tables – qualities sorely lacking in the authors of the anti-IDRF analysis.  This is particularly disappointing that despite having “upwards of five years” to analyze the IDRF, the authors have not attempted to be a little more careful in their analysis—or, perhaps, it is a case of deliberately ignoring the data that is staring them in the face. 

We also contacted the IDRF to ask for clarification, and here is their response:

“As was expected …(we were) able to get the details of so-called missing $486,885.  It turns out that cut-off was higher for grants listed individually in 1999-2000 and 2000-01 reports on IDRF website.  (We) have details of all the grants made in 1999-2000 and 2000-01.

For 1999-2000, there are 74 grants not listed on the website each less than $5,000 totaling $153,228. For 2000-01, there are 86 unlisted grants totaling 341,917.”

To summarize, let us quote what the IDRF has to say about the “missing dollars”: “Bottomline is that, the Sabrang/FOIL gang has been mischievous about their claims about missing money, when IDRF could easily give the details to the last penny.” 

We believe that this is yet another indisputable example of the sloppy work and/or malicious intent of the Sabrang/FOIL team. 

D. Funding of RSS Programs

According to the Sabrang/FOIL report,

“Of the funds that the IDRF transfers to India, almost two-thirds go to organizations that can be identified as RSS organizations.  About half of the remaining funds go to organizations that can be identified as sectarian Hindu organizations.  In other words, less than 20 percent of the funds sent to India by IDRF go to organizations that are not openly non-sectarian and/or affiliated with the Sangh.”

The RSS, it is claimed by some, is the world’s largest Non-Governmental Organization, but the real work of the RSS and its affiliates[68] rarely get mention in the media except when it devolves to politics.  The first public act of the RSS was at the 1926 Ramanavami festival at Ramtek near Nagpur, where they helped regulate queues for worshipers, provide drinking water, and getting rid of the priests and fakirs who were harassing and duping the pilgrims. The discipline and the organization of the RSS cadre have helped the “parivar” render service to the Indian society and nation both during ordinary times and when struck by natural calamities (floods, earth quakes, cyclones, etc) or human disasters (railway accidents, riots, etc). 

In 1989, the birth centenary of Dr. Hedgewar (the founder of the RSS), a “Seva Vibhag” (service wing) was constituted in the RSS to give a sharper thrust to the service activities.  These activities under the Sangh in turn led to a more high profile presence of its affiliates like Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, Vidya Bharati, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad[69].  In their official compilation of statistical information and description of activities, the RSS categorizes its service activities under five areas: 1) Healthcare services; 2) Education; 3) Samajik Samskar (activities associated with bringing social equality); 4) Samajik Vikas (all-round development of society); and 5) Casual/occasional service activities. 

The RSS and its affiliates[70] have nearly 49,000 people involved full time in their service activities, and about 39,000 part-time workers.  Most of these people work for no pay, and thus the low overhead, as in the case of the IDRF.  The majority of the work is in education (59 percent) followed by samajik samskar or social service (21 percent) and health (10 percent).  Nearly five million individuals are directly benefitted by the work of the RSS and its affiliates.  The work in 30 prants (states/regions of India) includes about 16,300 service units (sevakaryas). 

In terms of healthcare services, the RSS seeks to inculcate healthy living habits, introduce innovative ideas and concepts in medicine and health, and operate health centers – from hospitals and clinics to blood banks, eye camps, fitting artificial limbs, etc).  The RSS introduced the concept of “Community based rehabilitation” (CBR) for catering to disabled individuals, and demonstrated that work in villages in the southern state of Karnataka.  The CBR concept is now accepted as a “model” program in the rehabilitation of the disabled worldwide. 

The RSS runs many blood banks, and their director of the Pune-based unit served as the Secretary General of the Indian Society of Blood Transfusion Units.  The RSS blood banks conduct public education programs on blood donation as well as distribute literature on AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases. 

The RSS also recruits local youth to act as First Aid workers under the supervision of qualified medical experts.  These First Aid services are especially needed in remote and tribal areas of the nation. 

In the field of education, the RSS affiliated schools are the only schools that have incorporated instruction in yoga, music, Sanskrit, and ethics as part of the school curriculum.  Apart from the schools in the ordinary parts of the country, the RSS runs Vidya Bharati Schools where they operate thousands of one-teacher schools in tribal (vanavasi) areas.  They also run hostels for children: for tribal children, for healthy children of leprosy patients, and for children in the Northeast part of the country[71]. 

In terms of the “samajik samskar” (social service) activities, the RSS organizes community festivals, feasts, the visits of dignitaries and religious leaders to poor and tribal areas, and the visits of upper caste, educated, well-to-do citizens to poor neighborhoods, encouraging them to get involved in service activities.  The RSS has been known, from its inception, to bring down social and caste barriers, and this is done through mutual exchanges, the sharing of food, participating in social and religious functions, marriages, etc.  The Hindu concept of “vanaprasthashrama” (a modern rendering of the term would be: offering one’s life for social service after retirement) is becoming popular once again with many retirees seeking to contribute their expertise, their money, and their energies for social upliftment. 

 

These “samajik samskar” activities sometimes take unusual routes.  In Maharashtra, for example, there is a nomadic tribe known as “Pardhis.  This group was officially categorized as the “Criminal Caste”.  Hounded and harassed by the public, the police, and others, the tribe was adopted by the RSS which brought enough pressure on the government to get rid of the official nomenclature of “Criminal Caste” and worked towards establishing hostels for the children of this tribe, and acquire forest land for resettling them. 

 

We will not list the many other works carried out by the various members of the Sangh “parivar” (family) – the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, and others.  Those details are available in the “Seva Disha 97” compilation. 

 

One additional aspect of the RSS social service needs to be mentioned—what they call the “casual or need-based service”.  These services are rendered when natural calamities strike.  The RSS is known for its work in providing help for victims of earthquakes, floods, cyclones, and famines.  The RSS also renders much needed support to the organizers of “melas” and religious fairs and events in terms of providing a disciplined cadre of people who manage crowds, provide health care services and food and water for the pilgrims/visitors, give gifts of clothes to the poor pilgrims, etc.  RSS workers have also helped during the Bhopal gas leak tragedy, as well as rushing medical aid to victims of train and plane accidents. 

 


[54] See Appendix N for a thorough analysis of the nature of the dynamics between the RSS and the IDRF as well as an intelligent analysis of the religious/political dynamic in India. 

[55] Andersen, W.  , and Damle, S.  (1987).  Brotherhood in Saffron.  Colorado: Westview Press. 

[56] Ibid, p.  2

[57] B. R.  Ambedkar (1990/Reprint of the 1946 edition).  Pakistan or The Partition of India.  Bombay: Education Department, Government of Maharashtra.

[58] Ibid, p.  158-160

[59] Quoted in Andersen and Damle, p.  29

[60] T.  B. Hansen (1999).  The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India, Princeton University Press.  See also, C. Jaffrelot (1996).  The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India, New York: Columbia University Press. 

[62] Ramesh Rao (2001),  Secular ‘Gods’ Blame Hindu ‘Demons’: The Sangh Parivar through the Mirror of Distortion,  p. 91,  Delhi: Har-Anand Publications. 

[63] Regina M.  Schwartz (1997).  The Curse of Cain: The Violent Legacy of Monotheism.  University of Chicago Press

[65] This is a fabrication and a lie that should make it to the Guinness Book of World Records in the “tall claims” category. 

[68] Ramesh N.  Rao (2001), Secular ‘Gods’ Blame Hindu ‘Demons’: The Sangh Parivar through the Mirror of Distortion, New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications.

[69] Seva Disha 97: Building an integrated & self-reliant society, compiled by Seva Vibhag, RSS, Madras, 1997.  

[70] The RSS does not carry out any activity other than the Shakha (The daily Shakha is the RSS method of instilling unity, dedication and character, both personal and national.  The “mantra” of the Shakha is “Ekashah Sampat” -- stand in a line.  The RSS ignores the differences, whether they are of caste, language, status or affluence.  Hindus are asked to fall in line.  Swayamsevaks (volunteers) run various projects under different trusts (not under the name of RSS).  Examples: Seva Bharati, Janseva Trust, Jan Kalyan Trust, Hindu Seva Pratishtan, Rashtrotthana Parishad, etc.

[71] In 1966, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad members met the governor of Assam, Vishnu Sahani, and submitted their program for “Students Experience in Inter-State Living” (SEIL).  In May 1966, eighty students from Manipur, Meghalaya, Assam, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh came and lived with families in Mumbai.  Among that first batch of students was Gegang Apang, who later became Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh.  The SEIL has become an annual feature of the ABVP program of activities.  The SEIL slogan, “Alag bhasha alag vesh phir bhi apna ek desh” (Different languages, different dress, but we are all from one nation) stands in stark contrast to the Communist and Christian missionary led attempts to sow dissension and distrust of India among the Northeastern peoples.  For more details on SEIL see, H.  V. Seshadri (Ed.) RSS — A Vision In Action, 1998, Bangalore: Sahitya Sindu Prakashan.

 

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